Untitled Document

12-16-08

Rove on Tap to Get Eric Holder Approved As Attorney General

Aren't communi$t$' amazing. The communi$t Greek whore, Adrianna Huffington and her Huffingtonpost.com are the biggest communi$t$ around and through propaganda they get what they want. Karl Rove is a communi$t and because the bad guys, Rothschilds and Rockefellers, anointed Obama president, Rove has jumped from comrade Little George to comrade Obama. Karl Rove is going to do everything in his power to get Eric Holder approved as Obama's Attorney General. It is really logical Huffingtonpost.com is touting Rove as the lead man against Holder because in this case the communi$t$ dearly want Holder AG and the communi$t$' are getting Rove to make Holder Attorney General by saying Rove is against Holder. Actually touting the opposite to get what they want is an old communi$t tactic.

Holder joined the Reno-led amicus brief, which urged the Supreme Court to uphold Washington, D.C.'s handgun ban and said the Department of Justice from Franklin Roosevelt through Bill Clinton had always believed that the Second Amendment does not protect the rights of individuals to own guns for personal use. The communi$t$ really want Holder Attorney General because the communi$t$ intend to put Americans in their communi$t police state while Obama is president and Holder is against guns, and the communi$t$ have worked hard for years to get our guns. The fact Holder does not believe in the Second Amendment means Holder doesn't not support or believe in the US Constitution.

Obama is said to be keeping comrade Little George appointees Michael Hayden, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency and and John McConnell the Director of National Intelligence. Besides their not respecting the US Constitution because of their actions against the US Constitution to spy on us and classify US citizens as terrorists, limit our Civil Rights, ect., Hayden and McConnel have been trained by and have worked under John Negroponte http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Negroponte, the present and 15th United States Deputy Secretary of State. Have you noticed the Mexican government is becoming terrorist and a Dictatorship and 5400 murders have occurred this year related to making Mexico a communi$t Dictatorship, lately? This is the work of John Negroponte. For 37 years John Negroponte has spread communi$m, kill rich people and steal their money in these countries and give the money to the Rothschilds and Rockefellers, around the world. John Negroponte's final goal is to do to the USA what he has done around the world, make the USA a communi$t police state. The reason Guantanamo will not be shut down is because the Obama Administration plans to declare Americans' terrorists, try rich Americans in secrete at Guantanamo, steal their money and murder them. Obama does not believe in the US Constitution because both his parents are not US citizens and Obama is not eligible to be president. Little George has spent the last eight years destroying the US Constitution. Obama has been anointed by the Rothschilds and Rockefellers to continue the Bush Administration dismantling of the US Constitution. Rove, Holder, Hayden, and McConnell as all of Obama's team, will continue to fail to keep their Oaths of Office to Protect and Defend the US Constitution. It is interesting when I re read Negroponte's Wikipedia and realize he is of Greek origin, like communi$t whore, Adrianna Huffington. Are all Greeks communi$t$ or have the Greek near do well wannabe's who will do anything for a buck come to the USA ? No wonder Kissinger has not been this happy since the Vietnam War.

Hayden does not believe in the US Constitution and his biography on Wikipedia gives this transcript from Hayden's nomination hearings.

The stated purpose of the database was to eavesdrop on international communications between persons within the U.S. and individuals and groups overseas in order to locate terrorists [9][10][11]
Landay: “…the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution specifies that you must have probable cause to violate an American’s right against unreasonable searches and seizures…”
Hayden: “No, actually - the Fourth Amendment actually protects all of us against unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “But the –”
Hayden: “That’s what it says.”
Landay: “The legal measure is probable cause, it says.”
Hayden: “The Amendment says: unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “But does it not say ‘probable cause’?”
Hayden: “No! The Amendment says unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “The legal standard is probable cause, General — “
Hayden: “Just to be very clear … okay… and believe me, if there’s any Amendment to the Constitution that employees of the National Security Agency are familiar with, it’s the Fourth. All right? And it is a reasonableness standard in the Fourth Amendment. The constitutional standard is ‘reasonable’” ( h/t Dale)

Rove Will "Help Lead" GOP Fight Against Holder: December 14, 2008 11:40 AM

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/12/14/rove-will-help-lead-gop-f_n_150869.html

Republican opposition towards the nomination of Eric Holder as Attorney General is being driven, it seems, by Karl Rove himself.

Ceci Connolly, national staff writer for the Washington Post, said as much on Sunday, when she passed on a bit of hill gossip in the waning moments of "The Chris Matthews Show."

"Word on the street is that Karl Rove is going to be helping lead the fight against Eric Holder when his nomination for Attorney General heads up to the Senate," she said.

Two days earlier, Senate Judiciary Committee chairman Patrick Leahy accused Rove of the same behind-the-scenes shenanigans when his office released a lengthy statement decrying the hypocrisy of the GOP's Holder criticisms.

"In my statement to the Senate on November 20, I commended Senators Hatch, Sessions, Coburn, and Grassley for their nonpartisanship when they praised his selection.... But of course since then, Karl Rove has appeared on the Today Show and signaled that Republicans ought to go after Mr. Holder. Right-wing talk radio took up the drum beat."

The airing of concerns about Holder by Republican members of the Senate Judiciary Committee has been unexpectedly uniform and vocal. Their charge is as much about process as politics. More time is needed to review Holder's record, they claim -- in particular, the controversial pardons he oversaw towards the end of the Clinton administration.

And, proving Leahy's point, Rove previewed all of these criticisms. On December 1, he told the "Today Show" that Holder "was deeply involved as the Deputy Attorney General in the controversial pardon" of fugitive financier Marc Rich.

"I think it's going to be clearly examined," said Rove, "if for no other reason than people want to lay down markers that that kind of behavior is inappropriate. ... But again, there will be some attention paid to this."

Certainly, the accusation that the former Bush strategist is engineering GOP opposition to the Holder nomination, while conspiratorial, is not without merit. Rove has long viewed tactical victories as a way towards building political momentum. And the memory of, say, Harriet Miers' failed nomination to the Supreme Court and the damage it caused the Bush White House is likely fresh on his and other Republicans' minds.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eric_Holder

Eric Holder
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

82nd United States Attorney General - Nominee
Taking office
on or after January 20, 2009*
President Barack Obama (elect)
Succeeding Michael Mukasey

Born January 21, 1951 (1951-01-21) (age 57)
The Bronx, New York, U.S.
Political party Democratic
Spouse Sharon Malone, M.D.
Children Three
Profession Attorney-at-law
*upon Senate confirmation
Eric Himpton Holder, Jr. (born January 21, 1951), is a former Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia, United States Attorney and Deputy Attorney General of the United States. He is currently a senior legal advisor to President-elect Barack Obama, a position he also held in Obama's campaign. He was one of three members of Obama's vice-presidential selection committee.

On December 1, 2008, Obama announced that Holder would be his nominee for Attorney General in the incoming administration. If confirmed, he will be the first African-American Attorney General of the United States.

Contents [hide]
1 Early life
2 Career
2.1 Deputy Attorney General
2.2 Private practice
2.3 Nomination for the office of Attorney General
3 Personal life
4 References
5 Further reading
6 External links

[edit] Early life
Eric H. Holder, Jr. was born in the The Bronx borough of New York City,[1] to parents with roots in Barbados;[2] Holder's father, Eric Himpton Holder, Sr. (1905 – 1970)[3] was born in Saint Joseph, Barbados, arrived in the United States at the age of 11.[4] He later became a real estate broker. His mother, Miriam, was born in New Jersey, while his maternal grandparents were immigrants from Saint Philip, Barbados.[4] Holder grew up in Queens and attended public school until the age of 10. When entering the 4th grade he was selected to participate in a program for intellectually-gifted students.[5] He went on to attend Stuyvesant High School in Manhattan[6] and attended Columbia University, where he played freshman basketball and was co-captain of his team and earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in American history in 1973. Holder received his law degree from Columbia Law School, graduating in 1976. He worked for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund during his first summer and the United States Attorney during his second summer.[5]

[edit] Career
After graduating from law school, Holder joined the U.S. Justice Department's new Public Integrity Section during an interval lasting from 1976 to 1988. During his time there, he assisted in the prosecution of Democratic Congressman John Jenrette for bribery discovered in the Abscam sting operation.[7] In 1988, then-President Ronald Reagan appointed Holder to serve on the Bench as a Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia.[8] Holder stepped down from the bench in 1993 to accept an appointment for U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia from President Bill Clinton. He was the first African-American U.S. Attorney in that office.[5] At the beginning of his tenure, he oversaw the conclusion of the corruption case against Dan Rostenkowski, part of the Congressional Post Office Scandal.[7] He was a U.S. Attorney until his elevation to Deputy Attorney General in 1997.

[edit] Deputy Attorney General
In 1997, upon the spring retirement of Jamie Gorelick, Clinton nominated Holder to be the next Deputy Attorney General under Janet Reno. Holder was confirmed several months later in the Senate by a unanimous vote.[9] During his confirmation hearing, Holder's opposition to the death penalty was questioned, but he pledged his intention to cooperate with the current laws and Attorney General Janet Reno, saying, "I am not a proponent of the death penalty, but I will enforce the law as this Congress gives it to us."[10] Holder was the first African-American to serve in that position.[5] Holder briefly served as Acting Attorney General under President George W. Bush, until the Senate confirmed Bush's nominee, John Ashcroft.[11]

Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder opened an Interagency Working Group meeting of the White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders hosted by the Department of Justice on October 18, 2000.As Deputy Attorney General, Holder advised Reno about how far to go in the Justice Department's use of the Independent Counsel statute. Ultimately, Reno made the fateful decision to permit Kenneth Starr to expand his investigation into the Lewinsky affair, indirectly leading to Clinton's impeachment.[5]

In his final days with the Clinton administration, Holder was involved with Clinton's last-minute pardon of fugitive and Democratic contributor Marc Rich. Between November 2000 and January 2001, Jack Quinn, Rich's lawyer and former White House Counsel from 1995-96, had been contacting Holder, testing the waters for the political viability of a presidential pardon. After presenting his case to Holder in a November phone call and a last minute January 17th letter, Quinn arranged a phone call between the White House and Holder, asking the Deputy Attorney General to share his opinion on the Rich pardon. Ultimately, Holder gave Clinton a "neutral, leaning towards favorable" opinion of the pardon.[5]

During his February testimonies before the House Government Reform Committee[12] and Senate Judiciary Committee, Holder argued his phone call was not intended as a formal Justice Department blessing of the pardon, saying, "my interaction with the White House, I did not view as a recommendation. Because... I didn't have the ability to look at all the materials that had been vetted through the way we normally vet materials." He also did not believe his opinion would be interpreted as a go-ahead for the pardon. "What I said to the White House counsel ultimately was that I was neutral on this because I didn't have a factual basis to make a determination as to whether or not Mr. Quinn's contentions were in fact accurate, whether or not there had been a change in the law, a change in the applicable Justice Department regulations, and whether or not that was something that would justify the extraordinary grant of a pardon."[13] An investigation championed by Republican House Government Reform Committee chairman Rep. Dan Burton concluded, in a 2003 report covering 177 Clinton pardons, that Holder had played a significant role in facilitating the Rich pardon, first by recommending the well-connected Jack Quinn to legal representatives of Marc Rich, by failing to fully inform prosecutors of the pending pardon, and by eventually delivering a "neutral leaning favorable" opinion of the twilight pardon to the President from a position of authority.[14] Holder has expressed some regret over his handling of the Rich pardon, stating "I wish I had done some things differently with regard to the Marc Rich matter. Specifically, I wish that I had ensured that the Department of Justice was more fully informed and involved in this pardon process" [15]

[edit] Private practice
Since 2001, Holder has worked as an attorney at Covington & Burling in Washington, D.C.,[5] representing clients such as Merck and the National Football League.[1] He represented the NFL during its dog fighting investigation against Michael Vick.[16]

In 2004, Holder helped negotiate an agreement with the Justice Department for Chiquita Brands International in a case that involved Chiquita's payment of "protection money" to the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, a group on the U.S. government's list of terrorist organizations.[17][18] In the agreement, Chiquita's officials pleaded guilty and paid a fine of $25 million. Holder represented Chiquita in the civil action that grew out of this criminal case.[18]

While D.C. v. Heller was being heard by the Supreme Court in 2008, Holder joined the Reno-led amicus brief, which urged the Supreme Court to uphold Washington, D.C.'s handgun ban and said the Department of Justice from Franklin Roosevelt through Bill Clinton had always believed that the Second Amendment does not protect the rights of individuals to own guns for personal use.[19] Holder said that overturning the 1976 law "opens the door to more people having more access to guns and putting guns on the streets."[20]

[edit] Nomination for the office of Attorney General
In late 2007, Holder joined then-United States Senator Barack Obama's presidential campaign as a senior legal advisor. He served on Obama's vice presidential selection committee.[8]

BS Holder's political views are broadly in line with Obama's. Holder favors closing the controversial Guantanamo Bay detention camp.[21] He is opposed to the Bush Administration's implementation of the Patriot Act, saying it is "bad ultimately for law enforcement and will cost us the support of the American people."[22][23] He has been critical of US torture policy and the NSA warrantless surveillance program, accusing the Bush administration of a "disrespect for the rule of law... [that is] not only wrong, it is destructive in our struggle against terrorism."[24]

On December 1, 2008, Obama announced that Holder would be his nominee for Attorney General.[25][26] If the Senate confirms him, he will be the first African-American Attorney General.

[edit] Personal life
Holder is married to Sharon Malone, an obstetrician; the couple have three children.[27] Malone's sister was Vivian Malone Jones, famous for her part in integrating the University of Alabama.[28]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Hayden

Michael Hayden
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Born March 17, 1945 (age 63)
Michael Hayden
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency
Place of birth Pittsburgh, PennsylvaniaAllegiance United States of AmericaService/branch United States Air ForceYears of service 1967–2008

20th Director of the Central Intelligence AgencyIncumbentAssumed office
May 30, 2006President George W. BushPreceded by Porter J. Goss________________________________________
Born March 17, 1945 (age 63)
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, U.S.Profession Military OfficerMichael Vincent Hayden, (born March 17, 1945 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania) was a United States Air Force four-star general and is the current Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. From April 21, 2005–May 26, 2006 he was the Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence, a position which once made him "the highest-ranking military intelligence officer in the armed forces."[1]
He was director of the National Security Agency (NSA) from 1999–2005. During his tenure as director, the longest in the history of the agency, he oversaw the controversial NSA surveillance of technological communications between persons in the United States and alleged foreign terrorist groups.
On May 8, 2006, Hayden was nominated for the position of CIA Director and reappointment to the rank of general following the May 5 resignation of Porter J. Goss, and on May 23 the Senate Intelligence Committee voted 12-3 to send the nomination to the Senate floor. His nomination was confirmed by the Senate on May 26 by a vote of 78-15. On May 30, 2006 and again the following day at the CIA lobby with President George W. Bush in attendance, Hayden was sworn in as the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
On July 1, 2008, Hayden retired from the Air Force after 41 years of military service, but continues to serve as Director of the CIA.[2]
Contents
[hide]
• 1 Early life, career, and family
• 2 Intelligence career
o 2.1 Air Intelligence Agency
o 2.2 National Security Agency
? 2.2.1 Strategy for the NSA
? 2.2.2 Wiretaps of domestic calls
o 2.3 Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence
o 2.4 Director of the Central Intelligence Agency
• 3 Military career
o 3.1 Military awards
o 3.2 Military badges
o 3.3 Dates of rank
• 4 References
• 5 External links [edit] Early life, career, and family
Michael Vincent Hayden was born on St. Patrick's Day in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to an Irish-American couple, Sadie and Harry Hayden, Jr. who worked as a welder for a Pennsylvania manufacturing company. He has a younger brother, Harry III, and a sister, Margaret.
He graduated from Pittsburgh's North Catholic High School. While at Duquesne University he earned a B.A. in history in 1967 and was commissioned as a second lieutenant. He then attended graduate school at Duquesne for an M.A. in modern American History.
He is a graduate of the Air Force Reserve Officer Training Corps program. Hayden entered active military service in 1969.
Hayden has served as commander of the Air Intelligence Agency and Director of the Joint Command and Control Warfare Center, both headquartered at Lackland Air Force Base. He also has served in senior staff positions in the Pentagon; Headquarters U.S. European Command, Stuttgart, Germany; the National Security Council, Washington, D.C., and the U.S. Embassy in the then-People's Republic of Bulgaria. Prior to his current assignment, the general served as deputy chief of staff for United Nations Command and U.S. Forces Korea, Yongsan Garrison. He has also worked in intelligence in Guam.
He is married to Jeanine Carrier, and they have a daughter and two sons.
[edit] Intelligence career
[edit] Air Intelligence Agency
Then Commander, Hayden directed an agency of 16,000 charged with defending and exploiting the "information domain."[3]
[edit] National Security Agency
Hayden served as the Director of the National Security Agency and Chief of the Central Security Service at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland from March 1999 to April 2005. As the Director of NSA and Chief of CSS, he was responsible for a combat support agency of the Department of Defense with military and civilian personnel stationed worldwide.[4]
[edit] Strategy for the NSA
Hayden and the NSA have a strategy to increase their use of American industry for domestic surveillance.[5][6][7][8]
[edit] Wiretaps of domestic calls
In May 2006, USA Today reported that, under Hayden's leadership, the NSA created an domestic telephone call database. During his nomination hearings, Hayden defended his actions to Senator Russ Feingold and others, stating that he had relied upon legal advice that the White House order to build the database was supported by Article Two of the United States Constitution executive branch powers (in which the President must "take care that the laws be faithfully executed"), overriding legislative branch statutes forbidding warrantless surveillance of domestic calls, which included the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). Previously, this action would have required a warrant from a FISA court. The stated purpose of the database was to eavesdrop on international communications between persons within the U.S. and individuals and groups overseas in order to locate terrorists [9][10][11]
Landay: “…the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution specifies that you must have probable cause to violate an American’s right against unreasonable searches and seizures…”
Hayden: “No, actually - the Fourth Amendment actually protects all of us against unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “But the –”
Hayden: “That’s what it says.”
Landay: “The legal measure is probable cause, it says.”
Hayden: “The Amendment says: unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “But does it not say ‘probable cause’?”
Hayden: “No! The Amendment says unreasonable search and seizure.”
Landay: “The legal standard is probable cause, General — “
Hayden: “Just to be very clear … okay… and believe me, if there’s any Amendment to the Constitution that employees of the National Security Agency are familiar with, it’s the Fourth. All right? And it is a reasonableness standard in the Fourth Amendment. The constitutional standard is ‘reasonable’” ( h/t Dale)
[edit] Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence

Hayden is sworn in as Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence
Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page. (June 2008)General Hayden was Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence from May 2005 to May 2006 under John Negroponte.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Michael_McConnell

John Michael McConnell

2nd Director of National Intelligence Preceded by John Negroponte
Incumbent
Assumed office
20 February 2007
President George W. Bush
Preceded by John Negroponte

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Born July 26, 1943(1943-07-26)
Greenville, South Carolina
United States
Profession Intelligence Officer
Hon. John Michael "Mike" McConnell (born July 26, 1943) has served as the United States Director of National Intelligence since 20 February 2007. He also served as Director of the National Security Agency from 1992 to 1996, and as an admiral in the United States Navy.

Contents [hide]
1 Early life, education, and family
2 Military and intelligence career
3 Initiatives
3.1 100 Day Plan for Integration and Collaboration
3.2 500 Day Plan for Integration and Collaboration
3.3 Vision2015
3.4 Updating FISA
3.5 Analytic Outreach
3.6 Updating Executive Order 12333
4 Career highlights
5 See also
6 References
7 External links

[edit] Early life, education, and family
McConnell was born and grew up in Greenville, South Carolina.[1] [2] [3] He graduated from Wade Hampton High School, and first attended college at North Greenville Junior College. He holds an M.P.A. from George Washington University, is a graduate of the National Defense University and the National Defense Intelligence College (Strategic Intelligence), and holds a B.A. in Economics from Furman University. He is married to Terry McConnell, and together they have four children and six grandchildren.

[edit] Military and intelligence career

McConnell as a Rear Admiral, 1990.McConnell worked as the Intelligence Officer (J2) for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United States Secretary of Defense during Operation Desert Shield/Storm and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. He developed approaches for improving information flow among intelligence agencies and combat forces in the Gulf War.

From 1992 to 1996, McConnell served as Director of the National Security Agency (NSA). He led NSA as it adapted to the multi-polar threats brought about by the end of the Cold War. Under his leadership, NSA routinely provided global intelligence and information security services to the White House, Cabinet officials, the United States Congress, and a broad array of military and civilian intelligence customers. He also served as a member of the Director of Central Intelligence senior leadership team to address major intelligence programmatic and substantive issues from 1992 until 1996.

In 1996, McConnell retired as a Vice Admiral in the U.S. Navy after 29 years of service - 26 as a career Intelligence Officer. In addition to many of the nation's highest military awards for meritorious service, he holds the nation's highest award for service in the Intelligence Community. He also served as the Chairman of the Intelligence and National Security Alliance.

McConnell is sworn-in as DNI, February 20, 2007.McConnell is the second person to hold the position of Director of National Intelligence. He was nominated by President George W. Bush on January 5, 2007, and was sworn in at Bolling Air Force Base in Washington, D.C. on February 20, 2007.[4][5] McConnell's appointment to the post was initially greeted with broad bipartisan support, although he has since attracted criticism for advocating some of the Bush administration's more controversial policies.[6][7]

Before his nomination as DNI, McConnell had served as a Senior Vice President with the consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton, focusing on the Intelligence and National Security areas.[8] He was also chairman of the board of the Intelligence and National Security Alliance, the private intelligence industry's industry association and de facto lobbying group.

On Tuesday, August 14, 2007, McConnell visited Texas with House Intelligence Committee chairman Silvestre Reyes to review border security[9], and granted a wide-ranging interview to the El Paso Times newspaper, which surprised many in the intelligence community for its candor on sensitive topics such as the recent changes in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and the NSA warrantless surveillance controversy. At the end of the interview, McConnell cautioned reporter Chris Roberts that he should consider whether enemies of the U.S. could gain from the information he just shared, leaving it up to the paper to decide what to publish. The El Paso Times put the entire, unexpurgated interview on their website on August 22nd, with executive editor Dionicio Flores saying "I don't believe it damaged national security or endangered any of our people."[10][11]

A resurgent Taliban is back in charge over parts of Afghanistan, McConnell told CNN on February 27, 2008 in an assessment that differed from the one made January 2008 by Defense Secretary Robert Gates.[12]

[edit] Initiatives

[edit] 100 Day Plan for Integration and Collaboration

DNI SealTwo months after taking office, McConnell created a series of initiatives designed to build the foundation for increased cooperation and reform of the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). His plan, dubbed "100 Day Plan for Integration and Collaboration" focused on efforts to enable the IC to act as a unified enterprise in a collaborative manner. [13] It focused on six enterprise integration priorities:

Create a Culture of Collaboration
Foster Collection and Analytic Transformation
Build Acquisition Excellence and Technology Leadership
Modernize Business Practices
Accelerate Information Sharing
Clarify and Align DNI’s Authorities
The 100 Day Plan accomplished the launch of a civilian joint duty program, improved security clearance processing times, increased diversity in the intelligence workforce and more information sharing across the community. A 500 Day Plan is being designed to sustain the momentum with an expanded set of initiatives and a greater level of participation. It is set to deepen integration of the Community's people, processes, and technologies. [13] [14] The plan will address a new performance management framework that entail six performance elements that all agencies must entail.[15]

[edit] 500 Day Plan for Integration and Collaboration
The 100 Day Plan was meant to "jump start" a series of initiatives based on a deliberate planning process with specific deadlines and measures to ensure that needed reforms were implemented. The 500 Day Plan, which started in August 2007, was designed to accelerate and sustain this momentum with an expanded set of initiatives and broader IC participation. It contains 10 "core" initiatives which will be tracked by the senior leadership in the Intelligence Community, and 33 "enabling" initiatives. The initiatives are based on the same six focus areas described in the 100 Day Plan.

The top initiatives are:

Treat Diversity as a Strategic Mission Imperative
Implement Civilian IC Joint Duty Program
Enhance Information Sharing Policies, Processes, and Procedures
Create Collaborataive Environment for All Analysts
Establish National Intelligence Coordination Center
Implement Acquisition Improvement Plan
Modernize the Security Clearance Process
Align Strategy, Budget, and Capabilities through a Strategic Enterprise Management System
Update Policy Documents Clarifying and Aligning IC Authorities

[edit] Vision2015
The IC leadership released Vision2015 in July 2008 as a means to define the objective end-state of Intelligence Transformation. Vision 2015 expands upon the notion of an Intelligence Enterprise, first introduced in the National Intelligence Strategy and later in the 100 and 500 Day Plans. It charts a new path forward for a globally networked and integrated Intelligence Enterprise for the 21st century, based on the principles of integration, collaboration, and innovation. It also makes the arguement that the fundamental mission of intelligence is to create a decision advantage for our customers—policymakers, military commanders, law enforcement, and homeland security officials; the ability to collect and analyze intelligence to improve our customer’s ability to make a decision while denying our competitors the same advantage. The Vision establishes some core concepts:

Develop integrated capabilities to stay ahead of the threat and address emerging challenges and new missions such as cyberspace and energy security
Create a new customer engagement model that both broadens our customer set while deepening our relationships. This will also require a new definition of “customer” to include intelligence partnerships, clients, customers, and consumers and new approaches to tailor our services to each customer set.
Improve our ability to anticipate the “unknown unknowns” and prevent strategic surprise through better Global Awareness and Strategic Foresight capabilities.
Create and sustain a mission-focused integrated operating model that transcends agency and functional silos to focus intelligence resources and collaborate on the critical mission areas that challenge our national security and put our nation at risk.
Field a net-centric information environment that enables end-users to discover, access, and exploit intelligence information in a secure, tailored manner. This also requires us to network our collection assets to allow them to work autonomously and cooperatively in near-real time.
Remove the barriers to cross-agency collaboration by integrating the strategic enablers of the Intelligence Enterprise— human capital, knowledge, business systems, logistics and facilities, science and technology, and acquisition and procurement

[edit] Updating FISA
McConnell approached Congress in early August 2007 on the need to "modernize FISA," claiming two changes were needed (initial efforts began in April - see the factsheet for more). First, the Intelligence Community should not be required, because of technology changes since 1978, to obtain court orders to effectively collect foreign intelligence from "foreign targets" located overseas. He also argued that those who assist protecting the U.S. Government must be protected from liability. [16] Shortly thereafter, McConnell took an active role [17] on Capitol Hill for legislation being drafted by Congress. On August 3, McConnell announced that he "strongly oppose[d]" the House's proposal because it wasn't strong enough. [18] After heated debate, Congress updated FISA by passing the Protect America Act of 2007.

In September 10, 2007 testimony before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, McConnell asserted that the recently passed Protect America Act of 2007 which eased restrictions in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act had helped foil a major terror plot in Germany. U.S. intelligence-community officials questioned the accuracy of McConnell's testimony and urged his office to correct it, which he did in a statement issued September 12, 2007. Critics cited the incident as an example of the Bush administration's exaggerated claims and contradictory statements about surveillance activities. Counterterrorism officials familiar with the background of McConnell's testimony said they did not believe he made inaccurate statements intentionally as part of any strategy by the administration to persuade Congress to make the new eavesdropping law permanent. Those officials said they believed McConnell gave the wrong answer because he was overwhelmed with information and merely mixed up his facts.[19]

McConnell, speaking to a Congressional panel in defense of the Protect America Act, said that the Russian and Chinese foreign intelligence services are nearly as active as during the Cold War.[20] In other September 18, 2007 testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, McConnell addressed the NSA warrantless surveillance controversy, saying that that agency had conducted no telephone surveillance of Americans without obtaining a warrant in advance since he became Director of National Intelligence in February, 2007.[21] McConnell called FISA a "foundational law" with "important legacy of protecting the rights of Americans," which was passed in the era of Watergate and in the aftermath of the Church and Pike investigations. He stressed that changes should honor that legacy for privacy and against foreign threats. [22]

[edit] Analytic Outreach
July 2008, Director McConnell issued what many regard as a bold directive (ICD 205)for analysts to build relationships with outside experts on topics of concern to the intelligence comjunity--a recommendation highlighted in the WMD Commission Report. [23]

[edit] Updating Executive Order 12333
Director McConnell worked with the White House to overhaul Executive Order 12333, which outlines fundamental guidance to intelligence agencies. McConnell believes the update is necessary to incorporate the intelligence community’s new organizations and new technologies and methods. The redo is expected to help the sixteen intelligence agences work together, and to reflect the post 9/11 threat environment. [24] [25][26]

In July 2008, President Bush issued Executive Order 13470, which amended 12333. [27]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Negroponte

John Negroponte
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
John Dimitri Negroponte

15th United States Deputy Secretary of State
Incumbent
Assumed office
February 13 2007
President George W. Bush
Preceded by Robert Zoellick

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1st United States Director of National Intelligence
In office
April 21, 2005 – February 13, 2007
President George W. Bush
Preceded by Porter Goss (as DCI)
Succeeded by John Michael McConnell

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Born July 21, 1939 (1939-07-21) (age 69)
London, United Kingdom
Political party Republican
Spouse Diana Villiers Negroponte
Children Marina
Alexandra
John
George
Sophia
Alma mater Yale University
Harvard Law School
Profession Diplomat
Hon. John Dimitri Negroponte (born July 21, 1939 in London, England, United Kingdom) (pronounced /?n?gro?'p?nti/) is an American diplomat. He is currently serving as the United States Deputy Secretary of State. Prior to serving in this capacity, he was the first ever Director of National Intelligence.

Negroponte served in the United States Foreign Service from 1960 to 1997. From 1981 to 1996, he had tours of duty as United States ambassador in Honduras, Mexico, and the Philippines. After leaving the Foreign Service, he subsequently served in the Bush Administration as U.S. permanent representative to the United Nations from 2001 to 2004, and was ambassador to Iraq from June 2004 to April 2005.

Contents [hide]
1 Background
2 Ambassador to Honduras (1981–1985)
3 Ambassador to the UN (2001–2004)
4 Ambassador to Iraq (2004–2005)
5 Director of National Intelligence (2005–2007)
6 Awards received
7 References
8 See also
9 External links
9.1 Favorable commentary
9.2 Criticism

[edit] Background
Negroponte was born in London to Greek parents Dimitri John and Catherine Coumantaros Negroponte. His father was a Greek shipping magnate. Negroponte attended the Buckley School in New York City before prepping at Phillips Exeter Academy in New Hampshire. He graduated from Phillips Exeter Academy in 1956, and Yale University in 1960. He was a member of the Psi Upsilon fraternity, alongside William H.T. Bush, the uncle of President George W. Bush, and Porter Goss, who served as Director of Central Intelligence and Director of the Central Intelligence Agency under Negroponte from 2005 to 2006.[1]

After less than a semester at Harvard Law School, Negroponte joined the Foreign Service.[2] He later served at eight different Foreign Service posts in Asia (including Saigon[3]), Europe and Latin America; and he also held important positions at the State Department and the White House. In 1981, he became the U.S. ambassador to Honduras. From 1985 to 1987, Negroponte held the position of Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs. Subsequently, he served as Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, from 1987 to 1989; Ambassador to Mexico, from 1989 to 1993; and Ambassador to the Philippines from 1993 to 1996. As Deputy National Security Advisor to President Ronald Reagan, he was involved in the campaign to remove from power General Manuel Noriega in Panama. From 1997 until his appointment as ambassador to the UN, Negroponte was an executive with McGraw-Hill.

Negroponte speaks five languages (English, French, Greek, Spanish, and Vietnamese). He is the elder brother of Nicholas Negroponte, founder of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Media Lab and of the One Laptop per Child project. His brother Michel Negroponte is an Emmy Award-winning filmmaker, and his other brother, George Negroponte, is an artist and Director of the Drawing Art Center in New York. Negroponte and his wife, the former Diana Mary Villiers (b. 14 August 1947), have five children: Marina, Alexandra, John, George and Sophia. They were married on December 14, 1976.

[edit] Ambassador to Honduras (1981–1985)
Further information: The Torture Manuals

John Negroponte at the Military Camp in Honduras in April 1984From 1981 to 1985, Negroponte was the U.S. ambassador to Honduras. During this time, military aid to Honduras grew from $4 million to $77.4 million a year, and the US began to maintain a significant military presence there, with the goal of providing a bulwark against the revolutionary Sandinista government of Nicaragua, a Leftist party which had driven out the Somoza dictatorship but subsequently maintained a pluralist society and won overwhelming majorities in free and fair elections by international observers.

The previous U.S. ambassador to Honduras, Jack Binns (who was appointed by President Jimmy Carter) made numerous complaints about human rights abuses by the Honduran military under the government of Policarpo Paz García. Following the inauguration of Ronald Reagan, Binns was replaced by Negroponte, who has denied having knowledge of any wrongdoing by Honduran military forces.

In 1995, The Baltimore Sun published an extensive investigation of U.S. activities in Honduras. Speaking of Negroponte and other senior U.S. officials, an ex-Honduran congressman, Efraín Díaz, was quoted as saying:

Their attitude was one of tolerance and silence. They needed Honduras to loan its territory more than they were concerned about innocent people being killed.
Substantial evidence subsequently emerged to support the contention that Negroponte was aware that serious violations of human rights were carried out by the Honduran government, but despite this did not recommend ending U.S. military aid to the country. Senator Christopher Dodd of Connecticut, on September 14, 2001, as reported in the Congressional Record, aired his suspicions on the occasion of Negroponte's nomination to the position of UN ambassador:

Based upon the Committee's review of State Department and CIA documents, it would seem that Ambassador Negroponte knew far more about government perpetrated human rights abuses than he chose to share with the committee in 1989 or in Embassy contributions at the time to annual State Department Human Rights reports.[4]
Among other evidence, Dodd cited a cable sent by Negroponte, in 1985, that made it clear that Negroponte was aware of the threat of "future human rights abuses" by "secret operating cells" left over by General Gustavo Álvarez Martinez, the chief of the Honduran armed forces, after he was forcibly removed from his post by fellow military commanders in 1984.

In April 2005, as the Senate confirmation hearings for the National Intelligence post took place, hundreds of documents were released by the State Department in response to a FOIA request by The Washington Post. The documents, cables that Negroponte sent to Washington while serving as ambassador to Honduras, indicated that he played a more active role than previously known in managing US efforts against the leftist Sandinistas. According to the Post, the image of Negroponte that emerges from the cables is that of an

exceptionally energetic, action-oriented ambassador whose anti-communist convictions led him to play down human rights abuses in Honduras, the most reliable U.S. ally in the region. There is little in the documents the State Department has released so far to support his assertion that he used "quiet diplomacy" to persuade the Honduran authorities to investigate the most egregious violations, including the mysterious disappearance of dozens of government opponents.[5]
The New York Times wrote that the documents revealed

a tough cold warrior who enthusiastically carried out President Ronald Reagan's strategy. They show he sent admiring reports to Washington about the Honduran military chief, who was blamed for human rights violations, warned that peace talks with the Nicaraguan regime might be a dangerous "Trojan horse" and pleaded with officials in Washington to impose greater secrecy on the Honduran role in aiding the contras.
The cables show that Mr. Negroponte worked closely with William J. Casey, then director of central intelligence, on the Reagan administration's anti-Communist offensive in Central America. He helped word a secret 1983 presidential "finding" authorizing support for the Contras, as the Nicaraguan rebels were known, and met regularly with Honduran military officials to win and retain their backing for the covert action.[6]
Both papers based their stories on cables obtained by a Post FOIA request. George Washington University's National Security Archive writes of

dozens of cables in which the Ambassador sought to undermine regional peace efforts such as the Contadora initiative that ultimately won Costa Rican president Oscar Arias a Nobel Prize, as well as multiple reports of meetings and conversations with Honduran military officers who were instrumental in providing logistical support and infrastructure for CIA covert operations in support of the contras against Nicaragua -"our special project" as Negroponte refers to the contra war in the cable traffic.[7]
During Negroponte's tour as US Ambassador to Mexico (1989-1993), he officiated at the block-long, fortified embassy and directed, among other things, U.S. intelligence services to assist the war against the Zapatista rebels in Chiapas.

[edit] Ambassador to the UN (2001–2004)
President George W. Bush appointed Negroponte to be U.S. ambassador to the United Nations in February 2001, and after substantial opposition from Senate Democrats the nomination was ratified by the Senate on September 15, 2001, four days after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. According to CBS News,

At the United Nations, Negroponte, 64, was instrumental in winning unanimous approval of a Security Council resolution that demanded Saddam Hussein comply with U.N. mandates to disarm.[8]
During Colin Powell's speech to the Security Council on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, Negroponte could be seen sitting behind Powell's left shoulder.

In the New York Review of Books, Stephen Kinzer reported that the messages sent by nominating Negroponte were that "the Bush administration will not be bound by diplomatic niceties as it conducts its foreign policy." A State Department official told him that "Giving him this job is a way of telling the UN: 'We hate you.'"[9]

[edit] Ambassador to Iraq (2004–2005)

John D. Negroponte's remarks at swearing in ceremony as new U.S. Ambassador to IraqOn April 19, 2004, Negroponte was nominated by U.S. President George W. Bush to be the United States Ambassador to Iraq after the 30 June handover of sovereignty. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on May 6, 2004, by a vote of 95 to 3, and was officially sworn in on June 23, 2004 replacing L. Paul Bremer as the U.S.'s highest ranking American civilian in Iraq.

[edit] Director of National Intelligence (2005–2007)
On February 17, 2005, President George W. Bush named Negroponte as the first Director of National Intelligence, (DNI), a cabinet-level position charged with coordinating the nation’s Intelligence Community [10]. On April 21, 2005, Negroponte was confirmed by a vote of 98 to 2 in the Senate, and subsequently sworn into the office that was called “substantially stronger” than its predecessor position, the Director of Central Intelligence.[11]. Part of its power stemmed from the ability to “determine” budgets, prompting President Bush to remark, “That’s why John Negroponte is going to have a lot of influence. He will set the budgets.”[12] The budget of the Intelligence Community is estimated at $40 billion.[12]

Reaction in the intelligence community to Negroponte’s nomination was, according to Newsweek, “overwhelmingly positive” because he had “earned the respect of many intel professionals since those early days of the Reagan counterinsurgency.”[13] The Times noted, “if anyone can bring a semblance of unity to America’s bewildering network of competing spy agencies, it is John Negroponte.”[14]

Congressional reaction was also positive. Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-WV), then-vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee said, “I think that Ambassador Negroponte is a very sound choice. Ambassador Negroponte has served bravely and with distinction in Iraq and at the United Nations during a time of turmoil and uncertainty. He brings a record of proven leadership and strong management.” Rep. Jane Harman (D-CA), then-ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee noted, “John Negroponte is a smart choice for a very important job. He's a seasoned and skilled diplomat, who has served with distinction at the United Nations and in Iraq -- and he has the full confidence of the president.”[15]

According to John MacGaffin, the CIA’s former associate deputy director for clandestine operations, “This is a guy who plays hardball. He’s a man who understands the whole range of counterintelligence, intelligence and covert action. They’re all parts of foreign policy and protecting ourselves.”[13] "We’ve known for the last 40 years that what’s wrong [with intelligence] is that no one’s in charge,” one retired CIA official told Newsweek. “For once we have a chance to do something with someone truly in charge. Negroponte’s going to decide what the answer is.”[13]

As DNI, Negroponte, “embarked on an impressive array of reform efforts,” with “perhaps the most transformational work … [involving] the effort to retool the creaky electronic infrastructure of the intelligence community.”[10]

According to U.S. News & World Report, one of Negroponte’s first tests was on an overbudget satellite system. The $25 billion system, called the “Future Imagery Architecture,” was created as the “foundation for the next generation of America’s space-based surveillance efforts.” The reality was quite different, as it became, “a managerial nightmare – five years behind schedule and billions over budget. Poor quality control and technical problems raised questions about whether the system would ever work properly.” Negroponte “moved decisively” and jettisoned half the classified project.[10]

Negroponte also appointed “mission managers” – intelligence professionals focused on America’s hardest targets and most looming threats. The mission managers are focused on counterterrorism, counterproliferation, counterintelligence, Iran, North Korea, and Cuba and Venezuela.[16] According to John McLaughlin, former Deputy Director of Central Intelligence (DDCI), the mission manager concept, “holds much promise for integrating analysis, collection and other intelligence activities.”[17][18][19] It has also proven beneficial during potential crises. According to a senior intelligence official quoted in US News and World Report, “In the days after North Korea’s recent nuclear test, the DNI put mission manager and CIA veteran Joseph DeTrani at the center of the developing crisis. Along with issuing a twice-daily intelligence summary, DeTrani served as a ‘traffic cop,’ coordinating analysis, briefing the White House, and tasking spies on what to target.”[10]

In a November 2006 cover story in US News and World Report, it was noted that Negroponte and his office, “have made a promising start – and, remarkably, encountered an apparent willingness to embark on the necessary reforms.”[10] Progress made included the White House approval of more than 30 DNI recommendations on improving the flow of intelligence and terrorism data to state and local authorities; requiring intelligence agencies to accept each other’s clearance; “open[ing] up the analytic process to new ideas and new people” to prevent groupthink – and the creation of an analytic ombudsman; the establishment of an Open Source center, “designed to broaden the flow of ideas to analysts”; and more “red teams” to challenge conventional thinking.[10] Furthermore, the President's Daily Brief, the highly classified report given to the President each morning by Negroponte, once prepared solely by the Central Intelligence Agency, is now compiled from intelligence agencies across the government. “I believe what I can bring to the community is a sense of what our most important customer is interested in,” Negroponte told US News about briefing the president.[10]

In spite of his progress leading the Intelligence Community, though, there were rumors that Negroponte wanted to move back to the field in which he spent 37 years – the State Department and Foreign Service.[20] The rumors became official on January 5, 2007 when Negroponte announced his resignation as DNI and move to the State Department to serve as Deputy Secretary of State.[21]

Former DDCI John McLaughlin wrote after the resignation was announced, “Negroponte must be credited with bringing a reassuring and confident demeanor to a community that had been rocked by controversy.”[17] According to Newsweek, “Under Negroponte, the intel czar's office was praised by both congressional and executive-branch officials for greatly improving—via its National Counterterrorism Center—the sharing among relevant agencies of intelligence reports about terror threats.”[22

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Kissinger

Henry Kissinger
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Henry Kissinger

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56th United States Secretary of State
In office
September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977
President Richard Nixon
Gerald Ford
Deputy Kenneth Rush
Robert S. Ingersoll
Charles W. Robinson
Preceded by William P. Rogers
Succeeded by Cyrus Vance

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8th United States National Security Advisor
In office
1969 – 1975
President Richard Nixon
Gerald Ford
Preceded by Walt Rostow
Succeeded by Brent Scowcroft

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Born May 27, 1923 (1923-05-27) (age 85)
Fürth, Bavaria, Germany
Political party Republican
Spouse Ann Fleisher 1949-1964
Nancy Maginnes 1974-present
Alma mater City College of New York
Harvard University
Profession Diplomat
Academician
Religion Judaism
Military service
Service/branch United States Army
Rank Sergeant
Unit 970th Counter Intelligence Corps
Henry Alfred Kissinger (born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923) is a German-born American bureaucrat, diplomat and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. He served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as Secretary of State in the Richard Nixon administration. Kissinger emerged unscathed from the Watergate scandal, and maintained his powerful position when Gerald Ford became President.

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente. He negotiated a settlement ending the war in Vietnam, but due to a combination of causes, the cease-fire proved unstable; no lasting peace resulted beyond the retreat of American troops.

In the Nixon and Ford administrations he cut a flamboyant figure, appearing at social occasions and seminars with many celebrities. He described himself as perhaps the only National Security Adviser to have a fan club. His foreign policy record made him a nemesis to the anti-war left and the anti-communist right alike (witness the Operation Condor section below).

Contents [hide]
1 Personal background
2 Foreign policy
2.1 Détente and the opening to China
2.2 Vietnam War
2.3 1971 Indo-Pakistani War
2.4 1973 Yom Kippur War
2.5 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus
2.6 Latin American policy
2.6.1 Intervention in Chile
2.6.2 Intervention in Argentina
2.7 Africa
2.8 East Timor
3 Accusations of war crimes and legal difficulties
3.1 Columbia University Students Reject Kissinger's Appointment to Endowed Chair at the University
3.2 The Trial of Henry Kissinger (book and movie)
3.3 Involvement in Operation Condor
3.4 Asia
4 Public perception
5 Later roles
5.1 Business interests and public service
5.2 Role in U.S. foreign policy
5.2.1 Kissinger and Iraq
5.2.2 Kissinger and Iran
6 Quotes
7 Footnotes
8 Further reading
9 External links

[edit] Personal background
Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany, to Jewish parents Louis Kissinger (1887-1982), a schoolteacher, and Paula Stern (1901-1998). His surname was first taken by his great-great-grandfather, Meyer Löb, in 1817 after the city of Bad Kissingen.[1] In 1938, fleeing Nazi persecution, his family moved to New York. Here he (or maybe his parents) changed his name to Henry because Heinz sounded too German. Kissinger was naturalized a U.S. citizen on June 19, 1943, while in military training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina.

He spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of upper Manhattan, but never lost his pronounced German accent, perhaps due to childhood shyness which made him hesitant to speak.[2] Henry Kissinger attended George Washington High School at night and worked in a shaving-brush factory during the day. While attending City College of New York, in 1943, he was drafted into the U.S. Army, trained at Clemson College in South Carolina, and became a German interpreter for the 970th Counter Intelligence Corps, with the rank of sergeant.

Henry Kissinger received his A.B. degree summa cum laude at Harvard College in 1950, where he studied under William Yandell Elliott.[3] He received his A.M. and Ph.D. degrees at Harvard University in 1952 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the Director of the Psychological Strategy Board.[4] His doctoral dissertation was "Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich)."

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government and at the Center for International Affairs. He became Associate Director of the latter in 1957. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.[4] During 1955 and 1956, he was also Study Director in Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.[5] From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.[4] He was Director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also Director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies, including the Operations Research Office, the Rand Corporation, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and the Department of State.[4]

Keen to have a greater influence on American foreign policy, Kissinger became a supporter of, and advisor to, Nelson Rockefeller, Governor of New York, who sought the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968. After Richard Nixon won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger National Security Advisor.

With his first wife, Ann Fleischer, he had two children, Elizabeth and David. Henry and Ann divorced in 1964. He married Nancy Maginnes in 1973. They live in Kent, Connecticut. He is the head of Kissinger Associates, a consulting firm.

He had triple coronary bypass heart surgery in May 1982.

He has a brother, Walter, who is one year younger.

Kissinger is a fan of the New York Yankees baseball team. A life long soccer fan, Kissinger is a supporter and honorary member of the German soccer club Spielvereinigung Greuther Fürth from his hometown, where he was a member in his youth.[6] During the 1970s, Kissinger was among the many celebrity fans of the New York Cosmos.

[edit] Foreign policy

Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible upon which he was sworn in while President Nixon looks on.Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.[7]

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in U.S.-Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alliance. He was awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.[8]

Kissinger favored the maintenance of friendly diplomatic relationships with anti-Communist military dictatorships in the Southern Cone and elsewhere in Latin America.

[edit] Détente and the opening to China

Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with the People's Republic of China.As National Security Advisor under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest to the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.

Kissinger sought to place diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union. He made two trips to the People's Republic of China in July and October, 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy. This paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, for reasons including the following: Watergate (see article) overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency. Second, the United States also continued to recognize the Republic of China government on Taiwan. Nevertheless, the idea of opening to China is often cited as Kissinger's international masterstroke, and the ultimate reward for his faith in realpolitik.[citation needed]

[edit] Vietnam War
Main article: Vietnam War
Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department and, in the summer of 1967, had acted as one of a series of intermediaries between Washington and Hanoi in a peace initiative. In the autumn of 1968, he used his contacts with the Johnson administration to tip off the Nixon camp about an anticipated breakthrough in the Paris talks, which Nixon feared could cost him the campaign.

Kissinger is updated on the latest situation in South Vietnam on April 29, 1975.Nixon had been elected in 1968 on the promise of achieving "peace with honor" and ending the Vietnam War. In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of Vietnamization that aimed to gradually withdraw U.S. troops while expanding the combat role of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) so that it would be capable of independently defending South Vietnam against the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam and North Vietnamese army (Vietnam People's Army or PAVN). Kissinger played a key role in a secret American bombing campaign of Cambodia to target PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids against South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the Ho Chi Minh trail and other routes, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Cambodia. Some argue that the bombing campaign inadvertently contributed to the chaos of the Cambodian Civil War, which saw the forces of dictator Lon Nol unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975.[citation needed]

Kissinger was awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize along with North Vietnam diplomatic representative Le Duc Tho for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam," even though the North Vietnamese quickly broke the terms of the agreement. The conflict would continue for two more years after the American withdrawal.[8] Tho rejected the award, saying that peace had not been really restored in South Vietnam. [9] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility" but, having recently been appointed Secretary of State, did not collect the award in person, citing pressure of work, and the U.S. Ambassador to Norway accepted it on his behalf. [10][11] The conflict continued until an invasion of the South by North Vietnam resulted in a North Vietnamese victory in 1975 and the subsequent rise to power of Pathet Lao in Laos and the more independent Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.

See also: Dirty War

[edit] Africa
In 1974 a leftist military coup overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal in the Carnation Revolution. The National Salvation Junta, the new government, quickly granted Portugal's colonies independence. Cuban troops in Angola supported the Marxist-Leninist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in its fight against anti-Communist UNITA and FNLA rebels during the Angolan Civil War (1975-2002). Kissinger supported UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) insurgencies, as well as the CIA-supported invasion of Angola by South African troops. In 1976 South African troops withdrew due to U.S. Congressional opposition.[citation needed]

In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate." Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.[citation needed]

[edit] East Timor
Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor
The Portuguese decolonization process brought American attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which lies within the Indonesian archipelago and declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto was a strong American ally in the South East Asia and began to mobilize his army, preparing to annex the nascent state, which had become increasingly dominated by the popular leftist and Chinese-supported FRETILIN party. In December 1975, Suharto discussed the invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan, meeting resistance from the East Timorese. The Indonesian army responded with indiscriminate massacres; the 2005 report of the UN's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor reports a figure of at least 102,800 death during the occupation: 18,600 unlawful executions and 84,200 starvation deaths.[22] The Indonesian government's annexation of East Timor as its 27th province was not accepted by the United Nations or the majority of countries. Much later, Indonesia relinquished control of the territory and East Timor became the first new sovereign state of the twenty-first century on May 20, 2002.

[edit] Accusations of war crimes and legal difficulties

[edit] Columbia University Students Reject Kissinger's Appointment to Endowed Chair at the University
Shortly after Kissinger left office, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University (in 1977). The position came with considerable funding and would have given Kissinger his first platform for rehabilitating his then shattered reputation. When news of the proposed chair leaked out, a small group of students immediately began collecting signatures for a petition opposing his appointment.[23] The petition charged Kissinger with illegal actions in Vietnam, Cambodia, Chile, and in ordering domestic wiretaps of National Security Council staff.

The petition effort sparked wider organizing and the quickly formed "Ad Hoc Committee to Oppose Kissinger's Appointment" offered detailed substantiation of each of the charges in flyers widely distributed on campus. Kissinger's initial classes and meetings held on campus were dogged by protesters at every step.

The spectacle of the former Seceratary hounded and humiliated by his students was picked up in the popular comic strip Dunesbury by Trudeau. The continuing strips detailed students attempt to challenge Kissinger in the street and in the classroom.

Columnists such as Anthony Lewis of the New York Times[24] ]and Nat Hentoff [ref] of the Village Voice chimed in with opinions that denying Kissinger the chair would not be a violation of academic freedom and within weeks the story had become national news, breaking in Newsweek and on the front page of the Washington Post.[ref] Many of the news stories included a litany of the offenses Kissinger was alleged to have committed. Rather than a stepping stone toward re-rehabilitation, the appointment was spreading knowledge about Kissinger's actual record and rekindling student activism on the Columbia campus. After several months of pressure, the University and Kissinger mutually agreed that it was not the time to undertake such an appointment. Kissinger went to Georgetown University to take a less prestigious and less permanent teaching and researching assignment where the students were less confrontational.

[edit] The Trial of Henry Kissinger (book and movie)
A revival of interest in Henry Kissinger came in 2001, when journalist Christopher Hitchens wrote The Trial of Henry Kissinger, a scathing critique of Kissinger's policy that accused him of war crimes, particularly for his policy toward Vietnam, Cyprus, Cambodia, Chile and East Pakistan (present day Bangladesh). Kissinger became a focal point of criticism from the political Left and certain human rights NGOs. According to the book, his foreign policy was chiefly concerned with attaining allies that had valuable geographical and strategic locations, such as Turkey and Pakistan, and turned a blind eye when these allies attacked democracies and murdered countless innocent people.

The book was later adapted into a documentary entitled The Trials of Henry Kissinger. The film focused on Kissinger's policies towards Vietnam, Cambodia, East Timor, and Chile.

[edit] Involvement in Operation Condor
Main articles: Operation Condor and United States intervention in Chile
This article or section may contain an inappropriate mixture of prose and timeline.
Please help convert this timeline into prose or, if necessary, a list.

On May 31, 2001, French judge Roger Le Loire requested a summons served on Kissinger while he was staying at the Ritz Hotel in Paris.[25] Loire wanted to question Kissinger for alleged U.S. involvement in Operation Condor—a mid-1970s campaign of kidnapping and murder coordinated among the intelligence and security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay—as well as the death of five French nationals under the Chilean junta.[25] Kissinger fled Paris that evening, and Loire's inquiries were directed to the U.S. State Department.

In August 2001, Argentine Judge Rodolfo Canicoba sent a letter rogatory to the U.S. State Department, in accordance with the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), requesting a deposition by Kissinger to aid the judge's investigation of Operation Condor.[26]

On September 10, 2001, a civil suit was filed in a Washington, DC, federal court by the family of Gen. René Schneider, former Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army, asserting that Kissinger gave the order for the elimination of Schneider because he had refused to endorse plans for a military coup.[25][27][28] Schneider was killed by coup-plotters loyal to General Roberto Viaux in a botched kidnapping attempt,[28] As a part of the suit, Schneider’s two sons are attempting to sue Kissinger and then-CIA director Richard Helms for US$3 million.[28]

On September 11, 2001, the 28th commemorations of the Pinochet coup, Chilean human rights lawyers filed a criminal case against Kissinger along with Augusto Pinochet, former Bolivian general and president Hugo Banzer, former Argentine general and dictator Jorge Rafael Videla, and former Paraguayan president Alfredo Stroessner for alleged involvement in Operation Condor.[29] The case was brought on behalf of some fifteen victims of Operation Condor, ten of whom were Chilean.

In late 2001, the Brazilian government cancelled an invitation for Kissinger to speak in São Paulo because it could no longer guarantee his immunity from judicial action.[27][25]

Kenneth Maxwell's review, in Foreign Affairs November/December 2003, of Peter Kornbluh's book The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability, discussed Kissinger's relationship with Augusto Pinochet's regime, in particular concerning operation Condor and Orlando Letelier's assassination, in Washington, DC, in 1976.

A 1978 cable released in 2000 shows that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "[kept] in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which [covered] all of Latin America". Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the 1976 assassination of Letelier.[30] Kornbluh and Maxwell both draw the conclusion from this and other materials that the U.S. State Department, on Kissinger's watch, had foreknowledge of the assassination.[citation needed]

[edit] Asia
In 2002, during a brief visit to the UK, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London based on Indochinese civilian casualties and environmental damage resulting from U.S. bombing campaigns in North Vietnam and Cambodia in the period between 1969 and 1975.[25]

Transcripts obtained by the National Security Archive show Kissinger receiving his orders from President Nixon:

PRESIDENT: The second thing is as I have put on here now I want [sic] you to get a hold of [Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Thomas H.] Moorer tonight and I want a plan where every goddamn thing that can fly goes into Cambodia and hits every target that is open.
KISSINGER: Right.
PRESIDENT: That's to be done tomorrow. Tomorrow. Is that clear?
KISSINGER: That is right
PRESIDENT: I want this done. ... I want them to hit everything. I want them to use the big planes, the small planes, everything they can that will help out here and let's start giving them a little shock ... let me tell you on this business on Cambodia - I want something done tonight, I don't want any screwing around...[31]
A few minutes later, Kissinger transmits Nixon's orders to military assistant Alexander Haig:

KISSINGER: Two, [Nixon] wants a massive bombing campaign in Cambodia. He doesn't want to hear anything. It's an order, it's to be done. Anything that flys on anything that moves. You got that?
HAIG: ...sounded like Haig laughing...[32]
Noam Chomsky commented about these accusations:[33]

On May 27, the New York Times published one of the most incredible sentences I’ve ever seen. They ran an article about the Nixon–Kissinger interchanges. Kissinger fought very hard through the courts to try to prevent it, but the courts permitted it. You read through it, and you see the following statement embedded in it. Nixon at one point informs Kissinger, his right-hand Eichmann, that he wanted bombing of Cambodia. And Kissinger loyally transmits the order to the Pentagon to carry out "a massive bombing campaign in Cambodia. Anything that flies or anything that moves." That is the most explicit call for what we call genocide when other people do it that I’ve ever seen in the historical record. Right at this moment there is a prosecution of Miloševic going on in the international tribunal, and the prosecutors are kind of hampered because they can’t find direct orders, or a direct connection even, linking Miloševic to any atrocities on the ground. Suppose they found a statement like this. Suppose a document came out from Miloševic saying, "Reduce Kosovo to rubble. Anything that flies or anything that moves." They would be overjoyed. The trial would be over. He would be sent away for multiple life sentences—if it was a U.S. trial, immediately the electric chair.

Simultaneously, Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón, who had engaged in a failed attempt to get Pinochet extradited from the United Kingdom for questioning, requested that Interpol detain Kissinger for questioning.[25] British authorities refused his request.

East Timor Action Network (ETAN) activists have repeatedly sought to question Kissinger during his book tours for his role in the Ford administration in supporting Suharto and the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975. Transcripts of Ford and Kissinger's endorsement of the invasion are available on the National Security Archive.[34]

Kissinger had knowledge of the 1971 atrocities committed by the Pakistani army and its allies during the war (see above), but did not advise President Nixon to put pressure on the Pakistani government to stop them.

[edit] Public perception
Kissinger, like the rest of the Nixon administration, was extremely unpopular with the anti-war political left, particularly after the congressionally-unauthorized and secret U.S. bombing of Cambodia was revealed. However, few doubted his intellect and diplomatic skill, and he became one of the better-liked members of the Nixon administration, though some Americans came to view Kissinger's talents as increasingly cynical and self-serving. Kissinger was not connected with the Watergate scandal that would eventually ruin Nixon and many of his closest aides, and this greatly improved Kissinger's reputation as he became known as the "clean man" of the bunch.

At the height of his popularity, he was even regarded as something of a sex symbol, earning him the nickname "Henry the Kiss."[35] He was seen dating such starlets as Jill St. John, Marlo Thomas,[36] Shirley MacLaine, and Candice Bergen. He was quoted as saying "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac".[37]

In 1992 Jornal do Brasil published an unflattering photo of Henry Kissinger on the front page. Kissinger's lawyer sent a cease and desist letter threatening to sue them if they sold the photo. The newspaper refused and one of the buyers was the advertising agency Woolward & Partners who were also threatened with legal action, after using it in an advertisement for computer equipment. The photo was featured in the 1996 book Washington Babylon by Alexander Cockburn and Ken Silverstein.[38]

The musical satirist Tom Lehrer says that "political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Prize."[39]

In a 1999 radio interview with BBC news presenter Jeremy Paxman, ostensibly to promote the latest volume of his memoirs, Dr Kissinger reportedly walked out after being asked some tough questions about the U.S. role in the bombing of Cambodia.[40] However, BBC sources claim he was late for another appointment and merely had to leave early.

[edit] Later roles

[edit] Business interests and public service

Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981In 1977, Kissinger was appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.[41] Kissinger published a dialogue with the Japanese philosopher, Daisaku Ikeda, On Peace, Life and Philosophy.

In 1982, Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.[42] He also serves on board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,[43] and as of March 1999, he also serves on board of directors of Gulfstream Aerospace.[44]

From 1995 to 2001, he served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.[45] In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.

Kissinger served for many years as a director of Hollinger International, the chief executive officer of which was disgraced media tycoon Conrad Black. Hollinger's board is widely viewed to have not exercised sufficient oversight, enabling Black and other senior executives to defraud the company.

In 1998, Kissinger became an honorary citizen of Fürth, Germany, his hometown. He has been a life-long supporter of the Spielvereinigung Fürth football club and is now an honorary member.

He served as Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from February 10, 2001 to the Summer of 2005.

In April 2006, Kissinger received the prestigious Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the Smithsonian Institution.

In June 2007, Kissinger received the Hopkins-Nanjing Award for his contributions to reestablishing Sino–American relations. This award was presented by the presidents of Nanjing University, Chen Jun, and of Johns Hopkins University, William Brody, during the 20th anniversary celebration of The Johns Hopkins University--Nanjing University Center for Chinese and American Studies also known as the Hopkins-Nanjing Center.

[edit] Role in U.S. foreign policy
Kissinger left office when a Democrat, former Governor of Georgia and "Washington outsider" Jimmy Carter, defeated Republican, Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. During the campaign, Carter criticized Kissinger, arguing he was "single-handedly" managing all of America's foreign relations. Through the 1980s and early 1990s, Kissinger's role in U.S. government and policy was minimized, as the neoconservatives who rose to prominence in the Republican Party under the Reagan administration began to consider Nixonian détente to be a policy of unwise accommodation with the Soviet Union. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. He would often appear as a foreign-policy commentator on American broadcast networks.

In 2002, President George W. Bush appointed Kissinger to chair a committee to investigate the events of the September 11 attacks. This led to criticism from Congressional Democrats who accused Kissinger of being secretive and not supportive of the public's right to know. Leading Democrats insisted that Kissinger file financial disclosures to reveal any conflicts of interest. Both Bush and Kissinger claimed that Kissinger did not need to file such forms, since he would not be receiving a salary. However, following continual Democratic pressure, Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002.

[edit] Kissinger and Iraq

Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford's funeral, January 2007.In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger was meeting regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the War in Iraq.[46] Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward[47] that the advice was the same as he had given in an August 12, 2005 column in The Washington Post: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."[48]

In a November 19, 2006 BBC Sunday AM interview, when asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq, Kissinger said, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi Government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."[49]

Kissinger endorsed Senator John McCain in his bid for the presidency in 2008.
Kissinger met India's main Opposition Leader Lal Krishna Advani in early October 2007 and lobbied for the support of his Bharatiya Janata Party for the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement
Kissinger was present at the Opening Ceremony of the Beijing Summer Olympics. He was in the Chinese capital to also attend the inauguaration of the new US Embassy complex.

[edit] Kissinger and Iran
This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards.
Please improve this article if you can. (September 2008)

Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.-Iran talks was reported by The Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet." [50]

I received this e-mail and though it is racist it is interesting. I considered deleting the racist aspects, but have decided to post it unabridged except for one comment by me.

zzzzzzzzzzz

Professor Joseph Olson of Hemline University School of Law, St. Paul, Minnesota , points out some interesting facts concerning the Presidential election:

Number of States won by:
Democrats: 19 Republicans: 29

Square miles of land won by:
Democrats: 580,000 Republicans: 2,427,000

Population of counties won by:
Democrats: 127 million Republicans: 143 million

Murder rate per 100,000 residents in counties won by:
Democrats: 13.2 Republicans: 2.1

Professor Olson adds: "In aggregate, the map of the territory Republican won by Republicans was mostly the land owned by the taxpaying citizens of the country.

Democrat territory mostly encompassed those citizens living in government-owned tenements and living off various forms of government welfare...

Olson believes the United States is now somewhere between the "complacency and apathy" phase of Professor Tyler's definition of democracy, with some forty percent of the nation's population already having reached the "governmental dependency" phase.

If the Democrat Congress grants amnesty and citizenship to twenty million criminal invaders (a bit strong language to my mind) called illegal's and they vote, then we can say goodbye to the USA in fewer than five years

If you are in favor of this, then by all means, delete this message.

If you are not, then pass this along to help everyone realize just how much is at stake, knowing that apathy is the greatest danger to our freedom.